Riaz Osmani

January 18, 2026

The July Charter is the product of the tireless efforts of Bangladesh’s Interim Government’s National Consensus Commission and the country’s political parties. It stands above partisan politics, because here, the country itself comes first. Even while saying “NO” to Jamaat–NCP in the Parliamentary vote, one can — and should — say “YES” to the July Charter, despite the fact that NCP and Jamaat played a significant role in shaping it. To understand why, one must carefully read and understand the provisions included in the Charter. Below, I have organised and listed these provisions in a structured manner. How best to explain the clauses and the importance of this Charter to less literate voters is something I leave to you and me.

This piece was written with the assistance of Gemini, then revised by yours truly. Any factual errors in the content should be attributed to Gemini. I personally extend my sincere gratitude to the National Consensus Commission, its Chair and Vice Chair, and the political parties for making the July Charter possible. Toward the end of this piece, I have made some observations about the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) in relation to the July Charter, which should not be disregarded.

The July Charter of Bangladesh contains more than 80 proposals or commitments. Among them, 30 are mandatory provisions. These are directly linked to specific constitutional and structural reforms of the state. If public approval is secured in the referendum scheduled for 12 February — that is, if the majority of voters vote “Yes” — then the next elected government will be legally bound to implement these reforms. Below is a categorised list of these 30 mandatory provisions, grouped by functional area.

Executive Branch and Leadership Reforms

1. Term limits for the Prime Minister

No individual may serve as Prime Minister for more than two terms, or more than a total of ten years.

2. Prohibition of dual roles

The Prime Minister, as head of the Executive, may not simultaneously serve as the president or chair of their political party, though they may remain Leader of the House.

3. Expansion of Presidential powers

The President may appoint the heads of independent commissions — such as the Human Rights Commission and the Anti-Corruption Commission — without requiring the Prime Minister’s advice.

4. Political neutrality of the President

At the time of assuming office, the President may not hold membership in any political party or occupy any state or government position.

5. Transparent appointment processes

Appointments of heads of constitutional bodies will be made through bipartisan or independent committees, rather than by executive order.

Parliamentary Reforms

6. Bicameral Legislature

Alongside the National Parliament, which will function as the Lower House, a 100-member Upper House will be established.

7. Proportional Representation

Members of the Upper House will be elected in proportion to the total votes received by parties in the Lower House during general elections.

8. Reform of Article 70 of the Constitution

Members of Parliament will be allowed to vote against their party on all matters except money bills and confidence votes.

9. Deputy Speaker from the Opposition

The Deputy Speaker of Parliament must be elected from the Opposition.

10. Opposition leadership of parliamentary committees

A portion of key standing committee chairs will be held by Opposition members.

11. Increased representation of women

Reserved seats for women in the Lower House will be increased to 100, bringing the total number of seats to 400.

12. Women candidate quota

Political parties must nominate at least 33 percent women candidates in direct elections.

Judicial Independence

13. Judicial Appointments Commission

An independent commission will be formed to appoint Judges of the higher Judiciary, free from Executive control.

14. Appointment of the Chief Justice

The convention of appointing the most senior Judge of the Appellate Division as Chief Justice will be restored.

15. Financial independence of the Judiciary

The Judiciary will have its own budget, administered by the Supreme Court.

16. Full separation of Lower Courts

Lower Courts will be completely separated from the administrative control of the Ministry of Law.

Electoral and State Reforms

17. Non-partisan Caretaker Government

A permanent non-partisan Caretaker Government system will be reinstated in the Constitution for conducting national elections.

18. Independence of the Election Commission

Full financial and administrative independence of the Election Commission will be ensured, along with a new appointment process for commissioners.

19. Provision for Referendums

National Referendums will be made mandatory for major constitutional amendments in the future.

20. Recognition of the Mass Uprising

The July–August 2024 Mass Uprising will be incorporated into the Constitution as a foundational moment in state history.

Accountability and Civil Rights

21. Legal enforceability of social rights

Social rights such as education and healthcare, currently listed among the fundamental principles of state policy, will be included in the list of fundamental rights, making them enforceable in Court.

22. Activation of the Ombudsman’s Office

The Ombudsman’s Office will be made fully functional to investigate complaints against government ministries and officials.

23. Reform of the Anti-Corruption Commission

The Commission will be granted the authority to file cases without prior government approval, and its jurisdiction will be expanded to include the private sector.

24. Independent Police Commission

An independent Police Commission will be formed to oversee recruitment, transfers, and disciplinary actions, preventing political misuse of the police.

25. Protection of digital rights

Laws that restrict freedom of expression and personal privacy — such as the Cyber Security Act — will be repealed or amended.

26. Asset declarations

All elected representatives and their immediate family members will be required to publicly disclose their assets annually.

27. Strengthening the Right to Information

Restrictions on accessing information related to government spending and contracts will be removed.

Language and Minority Rights

28. Recognition of mother languages

Bangla will remain the state language, while all indigenous languages will receive official recognition as mother tongues.

29. Minority Protection Commission

A permanent constitutional commission will be established to protect the rights of ethnic and religious minorities.

30. Empowerment of local government

Mandatory devolution of financial and administrative authority to district and upazila levels will be enshrined in the Constitution.

The July Charter and the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP): Notes Of Dissent

Although BNP is a signatory to the July Charter, it has formally recorded Notes Of Dissent to several mandatory provisions. As a result, legal and political uncertainty remains over how — or even whether — these provisions would be implemented if BNP came to power.

1) BNP’s strongest objection concerns Proportional Representation in the Upper House. While the Charter calls for forming the Upper House based on vote share, BNP prefers a seat-based formula that favours larger parties over smaller ones. If in power, BNP may attempt to prevent Proportional Representation in the Upper House.

2) BNP has also raised serious objections regarding the selection of the Chief Adviser of the Caretaker Government. Its counterproposal — granting the parliamentary majority the final say if a special bipartisan committee fails to reach consensus — significantly weakens the concept of neutrality of the prospective Chief Adviser.

3) Although BNP claims principled support for reforming Article 70, in practice it seeks to restrict MPs’ freedom of opinion and voting in the name of party discipline. Beyond money bills and confidence votes, BNP would likely oppose allowing MPs to vote against the Prime Minister or party agenda on many other issues. In effect, BNP would seek to dilute Article 70 reform substantially.

4) Finally, BNP has declared the Charter’s “automatic implementation” clause unconstitutional. Under this clause, if constitutional amendments relating to the 30 mandatory provisions are not completed within 270 days of the first sitting of the new Parliament, those amendments would automatically be deemed enacted after that period. BNP argues that constitutional change must occur solely through parliamentary processes, not through referendum-imposed deadlines.

The July Charter thus leaves a significant loophole. Those who receive an electoral mandate may act according to their objections. In other words, although the 30 provisions are mandatory on paper, in practice BNP may attempt to alter the method of reform to retain control over key issues, including the electoral framework. The only forces capable of resisting this would be Opposition MPs and the future parliamentary committee tasked with constitutional reform.

Bangla version বাংলা সংস্করণ